The
Joke That is “AI”: The Evidence of the Indo-European Numbers
Shrikant G. Talageri
I have already pointed out the utter stupidity, inanity and un-intelligent nature of AI when it comes to analyzing issues involving the “Aryan” problem. Here is a classic example of this stupidity, inanity and un-intelligent nature:
A reader made the following comment on my last article. He should have made this comment on my article on the numerals, but nevertheless I am grateful to him for bringing this idiocy to my notice and thereby enabling me to give a fitting reply to it and to expose the utter uselessness of “AI” in these matters:
“I ask AI to analyze your work titled "The Irrefutable Evidence of the Indo-European Numbers". What do you make of this?
The Flaw: The "Regularity" Paradox Where Talageri’s argument departs
from scientific consensus is his underlying assumption: Sanskrit is perfectly
regular, therefore it is the oldest.
In
historical linguistics, this assumption is practically reversed. This brings us
to a foundational concept called The Principle of Archaic Irregularity.
Irregularity is Ancient; Regularity is Invented. Language naturally creates
messy, irregular fossils over thousands of years. When you see a language with
a perfectly logical, seamless grammatical or numerical system, it is almost
always because the speakers (or grammarians) regularized it at a later date to
make it mathematically consistent.
Think of English verbs: Play/played is a regularized, newer invention. Go/went
or sing/sang/sung are chaotic, irregular fossils that survived from thousands
of years ago.
English eleven and twelve come from the ancient Germanic roots ain-lif
("one left over ten") and twa-lif ("two left over ten").
They are weird, isolated, and irregular—which tells linguists they are
incredibly old, localized Germanic innovations, not a sign of a decayed
Sanskrit system.
Sanskrit’s numbering system is brilliant, but its flawless consistency is the
hallmark of a language that was actively streamlined and polished (which, as
discussed previously, is exactly what the ancient Indian grammarians did). It
is a perfected system, not a raw, primitive one.
The Steppe Model Fits the Same Data. Talageri argues that the European base-20
contamination proves the languages traveled from India to Europe. However, the
mainstream Steppe Homeland model accounts for the exact same data without
breaking the rules of linguistic evolution.
If
the homeland was on the Eurasian Steppe:
1. The Steppe nomads had a pure decimal (base-10) system.
2.The branch that migrated south into India (Indo-Aryans) kept the base-10
system, expanded it, and eventually polished it into the perfect, infinite
mathematical series seen in Sanskrit.
3. The branches that migrated west into Europe collided with indigenous
European hunter-gatherers and early farmers who counted in twenties
(vigesimal). The migrating IE speakers absorbed this local habit, creating the
hybrid base-10/base-20 systems we see in Celtic and French today.
The Verdict
Talageri’s
data collection is excellent. He correctly identifies that European IE
languages absorbed foreign counting systems, while Sanskrit retained a pure
decimal framework.
However, his conclusion relies on the idea that "perfectly regular"
equals "oldest." By the established metrics of historical
linguistics, a flawlessly logical system like Sanskrit's numbers is the result
of later refinement, while the messy irregularities found in European branches
are the ancient, unpolished fossils of tribal migrations.
The data he presents is completely valid, but it does not uniquely prove an
Indian homeland—it simply proves that ancient Europe was full of
non-Indo-European people who counted in twenties.”
The reader will note
that this utterly un-intelligent “AI” seems to have not
even glanced at, let alone read in detail and analyzed, my articles on the
Evidence of the IE Numbers. This un-intelligent “AI” is
not replying to my article, but to all those Indians who claim that Sanskrit is
the most perfect language for computers. And then it is juxtaposing that claim
to its “verdict” on my article on the IE numbers without paying any heed to
what is written in that article, almost as if it has not “read” that
article at all.
Note the two fundamental
fallacies that AI un-intelligently assumes that I have
made in my article
Fallacy 1: “Most Regular is Oldest”.
To begin with, please
someone should start out by pointing out where in the article have I expressed,
even indirectly, the “underlying
assumption: Sanskrit is perfectly regular, therefore it is the oldest”,
or “However, his conclusion relies on the idea
that "perfectly regular" equals "oldest." By the
established metrics of historical linguistics, a flawlessly logical system like
Sanskrit's numbers is the result of later refinement, while the messy
irregularities found in European branches are the ancient, unpolished fossils
of tribal migrations.”.
This “AI” preaches to
me (which, in this particular instance, is like “carrying coal to Newcastle”): “In historical linguistics, this assumption is practically
reversed. This brings us to a foundational concept called The Principle of
Archaic Irregularity.
Irregularity
is Ancient; Regularity is Invented. Language naturally creates messy, irregular
fossils over thousands of years. When you see a language with a perfectly
logical, seamless grammatical or numerical system, it is almost always because
the speakers (or grammarians) regularized it at a later date to make it
mathematically consistent.”
Not only have I nowhere
claimed that Sanskrit has the most perfect and regular number system (let alone
used that as an argument for it being the oldest), I have constantly,
throughout the article, pointed out places where Sanskrit has irregularities.
or irregular features, which have been regularized and improved in different
other later IE branches and languages:
1. The practice of
placing the unit numbers before the tens number (catur-viṁśati,
instead of viṁśati-catur, for 24, which, continuing in all
Indo-Aryan languages, leads to confusion; whereas many other IE languages have
reversed the order).
2 . Having a
minus-principle (ūna-triṁśat, for 29, instead of viṁśati-nava,
which, again, has been corrected in most other IE branches and languages).
3. Having irregular
forms because of its rules of sandhi. (a characteristic which has
resulted in extreme irregularities in the later IA numbers, even when those
late IA languages don’t have rules of sandhi, and making the
modern IA languages of North India the most irregular and difficult
numbers in the world).
The simple fact that I
place Sanskrit, along with Tocharian and spoken Sinhalese,
in an earlier stage of development (and only because it does not form
the numbers 11-19 in a different way from later sets like 21-29, 31-39, etc),
does not mean that I am implying that Sanskrit is the most regular
(let alone that this makes it “older”) – regularity and oldness are not
issues at all – and in fact even a child should be able to see that, within that
stage, Tocharian and spoken Sinhalese are more “regular”
than Sanskrit.
If this “AI” is not
able to grasp even this basic point, I am frankly speechless.
Fallacy 2: “Sanskrit has a Pure Decimal System, European IE
Languages are 20-infiluenced”.
“AI” fatuously writes:
“The branches that migrated west into Europe collided with
indigenous European hunter-gatherers and early farmers who counted in twenties
(vigesimal). The migrating IE speakers absorbed this local habit, creating the
hybrid base-10/base-20 systems we see in Celtic and French today.”
“He correctly identifies that European IE languages
absorbed foreign counting systems, while Sanskrit retained a pure decimal
framework.”
“The data he presents is completely valid, but it does not
uniquely prove an Indian homeland—it simply proves that ancient Europe was full
of non-Indo-European people who counted in twenties.”
This un-intelligent
“AI” totally fails to understand that I have nowhere made these claims. Nowhere
have I claimed that Sanskrit has the most perfect decimal system, while European
IE languages alone have been influenced by the vigesimal (20-based)
number system.
1. All the
later IE languages of stage 3 and 4 (other than Sanskrit, Tocharian
and spoken Sinhalese have been influenced by the vigesimal
effect) including the Iranian
languages and the later Indo-Aryan languages in India.
[Surely, even this un-intelligent “AI” understands that Sanskrit
is older than the modern IA languages, and that therefore
the vigesimal effect is a newer phenomenon as compared to an older
decimal system!]
2. I have pointed out
in detail that it is not only in Europe but in India
itself that there are many vigesimal (20-based) languages in every
corner of India which caused a vigesimal effect on the IE languages in
the third stage.
3. The vigesimal
effect, which this “AI” calls “the hybrid
base-10/base-20 systems we see in Celtic and French today” has definitely
come about due to a very late effect because “ancient
Europe was full of non-Indo-European people who counted in twenties”.
This is much later, and a completely different
effect from the vigesimal effect which is found in all the IE
branches (other than the earlier named three languages, and therefore
presumably also other than Proto-IE and Anatolian), and is
just a later aberration which has to be pointed out but which plays no part in
the general process of the development of the numbers in other IE languages.
In short, “AI” flops
again.
[Incidentally, spoken Sinhalese is in the second stage, while Literary Sinhalese adopted the third stage from the Prakrits. But it simplified the irregularities, and therefore, even as it represents the earliest recorded stage, it represents a regularized developed form over the ages]
Shrikantmaam, I'd like to point out here that an AI model - in this case, an 'LLM' (Large Language Model) - learns patterns from a sampled training dataset and uses the learned model to make predictions, be it interpolation or extrapolation. Now such datasets are typically very large, as an AI model cannot be trained on small datasets (well, there is one class of AI models that can - which I work on developing - will tell you more about them when we finally meet in person), and thus, the training data for this AI model includes not just your books and articles, but also the tweets, Reddit posts and comments, YouTube videos and comments, and other related internet activity, of millions of people regarding your work and the points you have made and explained. Given the extent to which people (deliberately) misquote and misrepresent your points and fabricate false explanations and attribute them to you - and your blog articles debunking these geniuses are proof of the same - is it really surprising that AI spat out such garbage? After all, it's simply a case of "Garbage In, Garbage Out".
ReplyDeleteAgain I've used an AI tool to re-examine your work alongside your rebuttal. The analysis highlights several notable points that align closely with what a human reviewer might critique. Its overall criticism is still based on the Steppe model.
ReplyDeleteThis is broken down into parts because the comment is too long to post.
PART 1:
1. The Typological Fallacy: Conflating a Structural Spectrum with a Chronological Lineage:
Talageri establishes his chronological stages by analyzing how languages construct numbers. In his article, "The Irrefutable Evidence of the Indo-European Numbers," he defines Stage 2 as follows:
"The second stage is represented by Vedic Sanskrit, Classical Sanskrit and spoken Sinhalese... This second stage has a perfectly uniform and regular way of forming the numbers from 11-19 and 21-29, etc."
He contrasts this with Stage 3, where European languages and Literary Sinhalese reside, because they feature a structural break between the teens and the twenties. He then introduces Stage 4, represented by modern North Indian languages like Hindi, which are wildly irregular. Talageri concludes that because all these stages exist in India, the evolution must have happened there.
In comparative linguistics, this is a typological fallacy. Finding a complete spectrum of structural variations within a single geographic zone does not prove that area is the historical cradle. It simply proves that the region has a long, documented history of internal linguistic drift and intense language contact.
To see why, look at the Uralic language family. Finnish belongs to the Baltic-Finnic branch and is famous for its extreme morphological conservatism. It freezes archaic case suffixes and phonological shapes that disappeared elsewhere thousands of years ago. Hungarian, a cousin language in the Ugric branch, underwent massive structural mutations and heavy lexical re-engineering due to centuries of intense contact with Slavic and Turkic populations.
Both the hyper-conservative structural stage (Finnish) and the radically innovative, mutated stage (Hungarian) exist today. Yet, they evolved thousands of miles apart. The presence of a structural spectrum in one geographic space proves time-depth and localized diversification, but it cannot determine the direction of a migration pipeline without external data.
PART 2
ReplyDelete2. Matteo Bartoli’s Lateral Area Principle (Areae Laterales):
The primary methodological hurdle for Talageri’s conclusion is a foundational tenet of spatial linguistics: The Lateral Area Principle, formulated by the Italian linguist Matteo Bartoli.
Bartoli’s principle dictates that when a language family expands outward from a central point, the dialects that remain at the absolute furthest geographical edges—the periphery or lateral areas—or those trapped in extreme geographic isolation, are highly conservative. They freeze the archaic features of the parent tongue because they are cut off from central innovations. Conversely, the central homeland area continues to innovate rapidly, altering its original structures.
We can see this principle in action across global language families:
Icelandic: Cut off from the European mainland on an isolated island, Icelandic has frozen Proto-Norse grammatical features and vocabulary that completely vanished from mainland Scandinavian languages like Danish or Swedish centuries ago.
Lithuanian: Located thousands of miles from India, Lithuanian is universally recognized by Indo-Europeanists as possessing a far more conservative nominal morphology (noun case endings) and verbal system than modern Indo-Aryan languages. It preserves features closer to Proto-Indo-European than almost any other living tongue.
If we follow Talageri’s logic—where the most conservative retention of a specific linguistic feature determines the geographical homeland—Lithuania would hold a far stronger claim to being the Indo-European cradle than India, based on its morphological preservation.
Sanskrit’s magnificent preservation of the base-10 decimal series is a textbook example of peripheral conservation combined with elite scribal standardization, not proof of geographical birth
3. The Localized Anachronism of Stage 4 (Modern Indo-Aryan):
Talageri argues that the chaotic, fusion-heavy numbering system of modern North Indian languages represents the final, evolved stage of a single continuum that developed within India. In his counter-article, "The Joke That is 'AI': The Evidence of the Indo-European Numbers," he notes:
"Having irregular forms because of its rules of sandhi... [is] a characteristic which has resulted in extreme irregularities in the later IA numbers... making the modern IA languages of North India the most irregular and difficult numbers in the world."
While Talageri's tracking of this internal breakdown is accurate, using it to anchor a prehistoric global migration timeline is an anachronism. The extreme irregularity of the 1–100 numeral series in Modern Hindi, Punjabi, and Gujarati—where almost every number between 11 and 99 must be memorized as an independent lexical item—is a historical development that occurred between 500 CE and 1500 CE.
This structural chaos was caused by the phonetic collapse of Middle Indo-Aryan Prakrits and Apabhraṃśa into New Indo-Aryan languages. For example, the Sanskrit páñcadaśa (15) became the Prakrit paṇṇarasa, which ultimately eroded into the Modern Hindi pandrah.
Because the phonetic erosion that created Stage 4 occurred during the late medieval period, it post-dates the separation of the Indo-European branches by at least 3,000 years. Stage 4 cannot be used as a structural anchor for a Bronze Age "Out-of-India" exit, because Stage 4 did not exist when Europe was being settled by Indo-European speakers.
PART 3:
ReplyDelete4. Non-Linearity and the Structural Misalignment of Germanic Numbers:
Talageri’s model treats European numerical variations as intermediate steps or deviations branching off an early Indian decimal template. However, structural data reveals that European numerical systems are independent innovations that do not share a common path with Indo-Aryan developments.
Consider the Proto-Germanic cardinal numbers for 11 and 12, which are reconstructed as *ainlif ("one left over after ten") and *twalif ("two left over after ten"). These roots gave birth to the English eleven and twelve, and the German elf and zwölf.
These are suppletive, descriptive innovations completely native to Northern Europe. They are not structural modifications or "decayed versions" of an early Indo-Aryan template like ékādaśa (11) or dvā́daśa (12).
If Germanic speakers had broken off from an Indian linguistic matrix during a specific intermediate stage, their languages would retain structural remnants or transitional reflexes of the Sanskrit base-10 numerical roots. Instead, they display a clean break and a completely localized reinvention of the teen series.
This matches a radial, independent branch development from a distant Proto-Indo-European parent language, rather than a linear exit from India.
5. How the Global Vigesimal Trap Dismantles the Timeline:
In his counterargument, Talageri attempts to defend his model by pointing out that base-20 (vigesimal) counting influences are heavily present across India, not just Europe. He writes:
"I have pointed out in detail that it is not only in Europe but in India itself that there are many vigesimal (20-based) languages in every corner of India which caused a vigesimal effect on the IE languages in the third stage."
By proving that base-20 systems are a common, localized contamination resulting from language contact, Talageri accidentally dismantles his own Out-of-India timeline.
Vigesimal counting is one of the most common areal features (Sprachbund characteristics) in global linguistics. It appears independently in Mesoamerica (Mayan), Sub-Saharan Africa, East Asia, and Western Europe (Celtic and Basque).
The hybrid decimal-vigesimal systems seen in European languages—such as the French quatre-vingts (four-twenties) for 80, or Welsh ugain structures—are proven to be late-stage, localized substrate interferences caused by contact with pre-Indo-European populations, such as Early European Farmers or Western Hunter-Gatherers.
If Indo-European languages are highly prone to absorbing base-20 habits from whatever non-Indo-European populations they live next to, then these structural changes do not track a geographical march out of India.
Instead, the data simply proves that as the Indo-European branches separated, they lived alongside different indigenous populations who altered their counting habits. Because European base-20 structures arose from contact with local European populations, and Indian base-20 structures arose from contact with indigenous Indian populations (like the Munda), these systems are instances of parallel, convergent evolution. They are products of regional geography, not milestones along a singular migratory path out of India.
Conclusion:
When presented to the international scholarly community, Talageri’s data is recognized as an excellent typological classification of how numerical systems can change. However, his Out-of-India conclusion remains unviable because it requires modern, localized phonetic sound changes (the birth of Stage 4 Hindi) and independent European regional developments (Germanic teen structures) to exist along a single, prehistoric linear pipeline. Comparative historical linguistics demonstrates that these branches evolved in parallel as distinct cousins, rather than in a linear sequence from a single Indian source.
My God, this is unbelievable!! It ignores simply everything written in my article and simply keeps making dogmatic assertions of refusal to accept facts. I will stop here and let future generations judge. Note how this AI, as it keeps repeating dogmatic assertions, cannily avoids accepting that its earlier analysis contained instances of gross failure to understand what I have written and attributed things to me which I never wrote.
DeleteFinally, the entire Steppe case can be dismissed with all its linguistic and other arguments with a single statement modelled on the conclusionary statement above: "Comparative historical linguistics demonstrates that these branches evolved in parallel as distinct cousins, rather than in a linear sequence from a single Steppe source." Just the kind of evasive and obfuscatory argument which would please opponents of the AIT who also believe that features (words, sounds, grammatical forms) evolved independently of each other in different parts of the world (Europe to India) between languages which are not really related to each other as members of a single family with a common homeland, but which developed similar structures and features as per some universal law of nature.
In conclusion: this un-intelligent “AI”, and anyone else who wants (including yourself) are free to believe that the following features developed independently of each other in different parts of India-to-Europe:
Delete1. The second stage in the two earliest recorded branch languages (Sanskrit and Tocharian. The numbers in PIE and Hittite are of course unrecorded and unknown) and in spoken Sinhalese, all coincidentally located in North India, to the north of India and to the South of India respectively.
2. The third stage in all the other branches (Iranian, Armenian, Albanian, Greek, Slavic, Baltic, Germanic, Celtic and Italic) but also in Literary Sinhalese to the south of India (the only Indo-Aryan language outside India, but to its south), and in the entire Dravidian language family in South India (perhaps the only language-family in the world which is entirely in the third stage).
3. The fourth stage in North India in the modern Indo-Aryan languages without passing through the third stage.
Please do not share with me further faith-declarations by your "AI".
The Dhivehi number system also belongs to Stage 3:
ReplyDeleteI've noticed that in your articles you have not discussed the Dhivehi (of the Maldives) number system. Surprisingly, this language also belongs to the Stage 3 classification that you talk about, requiring the memorization of twenty unique terms before a regular decimal pattern emerges. From 1–10, the foundational base numbers are ekeh, dheyh, thineh, hathareh, faheh, haeh, hatheh, arheh, nuvaeh, and dhihaeh. From 11–20, the phonetically fused terms are eegaara, baara, theyra, sadha, phanara, solha, satara, ashaara, navaara, and vihi.
Dhivehi fits your Stage 3 metric perfectly because the base word for ten (dhihaeh) is completely absent from 11 onwards. Interestingly, historic Dhivehi also operated an archaic, native duodecimal (base-12) and base-24 system for trade. Rather than counting in tens, they used unique non-decimal terms lke dholhas (12), fassihi (24), and fanas (48) to count. Remnants of this base-12 grid still survive in the modern language today; for example, the modern decimal word for 60 is fas-dholhas, which literally translates to "five twelves".
Can this data strengthen your case?