Wednesday, 26 February 2025

Savarkar: Some Miscellaneous Points to Ponder and Muse Over


Savarkar: Some Miscellaneous Points to Ponder and Muse Over

 Shrikant G. Talageri

 

Insulting and maligning Veer Savarkar has become a favorite activity of anti-Hindu elements today. It is strange that there is so much visceral hatred for a man who spent his whole life trying to get Independence for India from foreign rule, suffered untold tortures, privations and miseries in the process, and, after India became independent, never thought of trying to take any financial benefits or profitable political positions of power on the basis of his activities. What exactly are these poisonous purveyors of hatred made of? Are they even human beings? 

This is what one wonders when one sees the extent to which these apostles of hatred go in order to malign and degrade him. I just saw an article by one such merchant of hate named Raju Parulekar:

https://rajuparulekar.wordpress.com/2023/06/03/real-savarkar-and-veer-bhakts/

Incredibly, see the very first paragraph of this vicious article:

Two historical mistakes should be set right when we write and speak about Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. First, excessive glorification of his sufferings. There’s no point glorifying these sufferings as Savarkar had chosen this path himself, just like the other revolutionaries. Savarkar must have been fully aware of the fact that once we choose a path of life, we are responsible for its consequences, we must bear this in mind. Savarkar was not sent to the Andaman for leading a normal life. Neither by the people nor by the British. It was an unavoidable outcome of the path of life that he chose.

Second mistake that we must avoid is to compare Savarkar’s life with that of any of his contemporaries or from the current times leading a simple, normal life. His comparison shall be drawn with a similar person, who chose a revolutionary life like him. A revolutionary’s life can be compared with that of another revolutionary or a person who has led a freedom fighter’s life, not with a person sitting and writing in an air conditioned room. Even though his followers may not like this, it is a bitter truth that Savarkar does not score much in comparison with his contemporary revolutionaries.  His followers purposely compare his life with those people who have led a comparatively quieter life. As a matter of fact, many of his contemporary freedom fighters and even those before and after him were tortured and executed in Andaman. Most of them belonged to the Bengal Presidency and Bengal State. Approximately 173 of his contemporary inmates were charged with capital punishment. Thousands died while serving ajail term. Freedom fighters like Sanyal were imprisoned at Andaman, twice. Many others went through indefinite torture. However, none of them sought mercy from the British, fell on their knees in front of them and none of them were released from the jail.

 

When he can write this about a man who “had chosen this path himself”, not for any kind of personal monetary gain, then or at any later point of time, then what must this vicious animal be saying about soldiers who fight for the country when there is a war, and die fighting for their country, who have also “chosen this path” themselves, and who, when there is no war, have enjoyed all kinds of special monetary and other privileges and facilities as members of the armed forces? I mean, just what are monsters like this man made of?

 

I wonder what this person would say if the government were to pass a law that anyone who writes this kind of thing about Savarkar should be sentenced to exactly the same sentence of isolated and rigorous imprisonment in the Andaman islands cellular jail, in circumstances identical to those faced by Savarkar, and for the same period of time? Would he “fall on his knees” to try to get out of the jail or would he happily suffer 11 years of imprisonment in the cellular jail because he himself had chosen to do what he was imprisoned for?

 

But no. he provides the answer himself above: “A revolutionary’s life can be compared with that of another revolutionary or a person who has led a freedom fighter’s life, not with a person sitting and writing in an air conditioned room.” As he himself wrote his article sitting in an air conditioned room, naturally, it proves that he did not behave like Savarkar, cannot be compared to him, and cannot therefore be considered worthy of similar sentence and punishment!


Since Savarkar was a freedom fighter who did not end up “executed”, he apparently does not deserve any respect and he really deserved to rot in the Andaman jail till he died, but people like himself “sitting and writing in an air conditioned room”, who have contempt for Savarkar, deserve respect and clemency. He places Savarkar againstcontemporary freedom fighters and even those before and after him [who] were tortured and executed in Andaman”: but people who have contempt for Savarkar necessarily have contempt for those freedom fighters as well. This sadistic maniac should visit the Savarkar Smarak near Shivaji Park at Dadar, Mumbai, to see the vast portrait gallery of revolutionary freedom fighters, and to see how people who respect Savarkar necessarily respect them with equal fervor.

 

It is incredible that such people exist, and would biologically have to be classified as human beings!

 

 

On the other hand, I also just received the following mail from the BJP mouthpiece Swarajya magazine, titled “This is Savarkar’s India…As Much as Gandhi’sYour bold purchase on Veer Savarkar’s Death Anniversary”, offering a poster of Savarkar for sale:

 

The cowards call Veer Savarkar a "coward".

The man who instilled such fear in the hearts of British that they couldn't risk his freedom.

The man who faced solitary confinement, inhuman labor, unimaginable horrors in Cellular Jail, not for days or months, but over a decade.

The man who penned The First War of Independence.

The man who inspired countless freedom fighters and dreamt of a Bharat unshackled, unapologetic, and united.

Let’s get this straight: This is as much Savarkar’s India as it is Gandhi’s. More so today when Hindutva is the fulcrum of India's politics.

Gandhi has been immortalised using a calculated campaign for over 7 decades — from our currency to national holiday to our foreign policy language. On the other hand, as calculatively, Savarkar has been vilified in a deliberate malicious campaign.

Time to correct it. Time to give Savarkar his due. Time to make Savarkar as much a part of our private and public lives as Gandhi, if not more.

Swarajya's Veer Savarkar poster is a statement towards the same.

Imagine this iconic frame adorning your study, office, or living room—a daily challenge to history's half-truths and a tribute to real patriotism. Gift it to someone who respects India's true heroes.

On the occasion of Savarkar's Punyatithi, this bold purchase can be your declaration that this is Savarkar's Bharat

And yes, limited stocks.

 

Yes, the BJP loves Savarkar as much as it loves Gandhi.

 

But, apparently, not as much as it loves the following people, all of whom (along with so many others) have been awarded the two highest civilian honors, Bharat Ratna or Padma Vibhushan by the BJP government:

Bharat Ratna: Pranab Mukherji (2019), Karpoori Thakur (2024), Chaudhary Charan Singh (2024).

Padma Vibhushan: Parkash Singh Badal (2015), Dilip Kumar (2015), Karim al Hussaini Aga Khan (2015), Sharad Pawar (2019), P.A.Sangma (2019), George Fernandes (2024), Arun Jaitley (2024), Sushma Swaraj (2020), Wahiduddin khan (2021), Mulayam Singh Yadav (2023).

 

The number of other political figures who have got the next two highest civilian honors, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri, will be too long to list here.

 

Savarkar has never been seen fit by the BJP government to be awarded even the lowest of the four: Padma Shri! Of course, the BJP government did not award any of these honors to Gandhi either, and neither did any other government: apparently the Supreme Court had once ruled that Gandhi was above any award:

 

https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/bharat-ratna-for-mahatma-gandhi-supreme-court-says-he-is-much-higher-2165456

 

Ergo: the BJP feels Veer Savarkar is “much higher than any civilian honor”, just like Mahatma Gandhi! This is proof positive that in the eyes of the BJP, “This is Savarkar’s India…As Much as Gandhi’s”.

 

 

Finally, in a lighter mood, here is what is generally called a “fun fact”: or rather, a photograph of one of my very favorite authors, Charles Hamilton, (pen-name: Frank Richards, as the writer of Billy Bunter books, and, according to the Guinness Book of Records, “the most prolific writer” in the world, estimated to have written about 100 million words in his lifetime”, and that too, in the pre-computer days):

 




Looks familiar?


Wednesday, 19 February 2025

Why the Western “Peer-Reviewed” Academic World is a “Dogs and Indians Not Allowed” Club of Frauds

 


Why the Western “Peer-Reviewed” Academic World is a “Dogs and Indians Not Allowed” Club of Frauds

Shrikant G. Talageri

 

In the old days of British rule, there was a board usually placed outside all British clubs in India: “Dogs and Indians are Not Allowed”. Were all Indians prevented from entering these clubs? Obviously not: if all Indians were prevented from entering them, who would serve the British men and women in the clubs? So, yes, Indian servants were (to a restricted extent) “allowed”. Indian servants and sepoys were allowed for the restricted purpose of serving the British members, and, whether allowed or not, these servants and sepoys (and other Indians of this mentality who shared the awe and servile sentiments of intrinsic servants and sepoys) rarely had any objection to boards of this kind. In fact, they had a hearty contempt for other Indians who did not share this “privilege” (or this mentality), and would have been up in arms with righteous indignation against anyone who did not consider selective British condescension as a “privilege”, and even against those who objected to such boards.

Now we are in “Independent” India. and that too not in the year 1947 or thereabouts, but in the year 2025. India and Indians are not, and cannot be made, so openly a target of contempt, insults and calumny as in the good old colonial days. This contempt, these insults and this calumny are now exercised in proxy:

1. India and Indians are now replaced by Hinduism and Hindus. 

2. And the contempt is not (usually) so openly expressed in words: it finds its way in the brazen support to and propagation of academic studies, academic papers, news reports and news analyses vilifying Hinduism and Hindus without any restraint of decency, logic or fairness,, and in propagating on a war-footing the views and interests of the Breaking India forces: Evangelists, Islamicists, Wokes and other lesser breeds of Leftists and Indian Secularists.

Needless to say, the present-day inheritors of the “Dogs and Indians are Not Allowed” traditions are as zealously and religiously supported by the present-day legions of Indian servants and sepoys as in the good old colonial days, and as willing to fight for the Breaking India forces at the behest of their western sponsors and supporters, as the Indian sepoys who fired on Indians at Jallianwala Bagh were willing to kill Indians at the behest of General Dyer.

 

I will not go in detail into the whole bizarre situation. I don’t have to: Rajiv Malhotra has done a magnificent job in this matter through his two-volume series of books on the Breaking India Forces. I will only deal here with the particular aspect of this BIF-sepoy alliance that most directly concerns my work: the field of Indology or Indian History, or, most specifically, the AIT-vs.-OIT issue.

 

The “Dogs and Indians are Not Allowed” principle of the British colonial clubs is, in these post-colonial days, translated (in the western-controlled “peer-reviewed academic” world) as “OIT-supporting and AIT-sceptic studies not allowed”. And, as any survey of the internet and even so many of my articles on the subject will show, there is simply no dearth of Indian servants and sepoys who toe this neo-colonial line by refusing to treat any study, however factual, logical, objective and data-based, as worthy of any serious examination and appraisal if the western academic club management caucus has not given its stamp of condescending notice by “peer-reviewing” the study in any of the “academic journals” controlled by it.

Some of the sepoys may ask: “do you mean that it is the duty of academic journals to print or pre-review any and every nonsensical article or “paper” written by the OIT side or the AIT-sceptic side?”. Good question! As good as if a sepoy of the good old colonial days were to ask: “do you mean to say that it is the duty of these clubs to allow any Indian who has just emerged after cleaning out sewers and is dripping with slime and sewage to enter the club unwashed”? Both these questions are as unanswerable as they are unworthy of serious answers.

 

The immediate provocation for this article is a tweet that Koenraad Elst put up recently:

https://x.com/ElstKoenraad

Last year the Indogermanische Gesselschaft turned down my paper proposal concerning Vedic chronology, which turns out to be irreconcilable w/ the AIT. Just now, the IE section of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesselschaft did the same. Those ppl. don’t *want* to know the facts.

6:20 PM. Feb 19, 2025

Is a paper by Koenraad Elst, a full-fledged western academic with umpteen western academic degrees, including doctorates, to be treated as one among “any and every nonsensical article or “paper” written by the OIT side or the AIT-sceptic side”?

 

I do not primarily blame the western AIT-supporting academics: they are openly fighting a bitter and fundamental battle with the Indian side, even if, as Koenraad Elst sometimes tries to excuse them, it is mainly because they know little about the actual OIT case, or are influenced by their Indian woke academic informants, or are disillusioned by half-baked Indians genuinely writing “nonsensical” things: these can be no excuses that a true and objective academic would give. And it certainly cannot be given in the case of papers by Koenraad Elst. [And, in my article on Hans Hock, I have shown how western academics who spout words of wisdom, on the academic necessity of objective examination of opposing views, suddenly execute sharp about-turns on actually being faced with unanswerable opposing views].

As I said: I do not primarily blame the western AIT-supporting academics: they are openly fighting a bitter and fundamental battle with the Indian side (whether as part of agendas or to buttress their already-published writings and views on the subject): they and we (in the eyes of these western academics) represent opposing or enemy sides. And, to such fake academics, “all is fair in love and war”. General Dyer did not think of “fair” and “unfair” when he ordered the Indian sepoys to shoot at the Indians at Jallianwala Bagh. But the main point is: neither, apparently, did the Indian sepoys!!

Again, the Indian sepoys who actually did the shooting were “doing their duty” and “following orders”! Even more worthy of blame are the abysmally low and disgusting classes of sepoy-minded Indians who read about the Jallianwala Bagh shootings in newspapers, and then proceeded to vent their support for General Dyer’s actions, and their condemnation of those who were killed and those who protested against the killings, in public letters to the newspapers.

Which is why I rarely try to curb my tongue (or my pen, or my computer-keys) when referring to these scummy Indians who throng the internet expressing their loud support for the AIT and their vicious opposition to the OIT, and in fact their article of faith that anyone who writes OIT-supporting or AIT-sceptic articles do not deserve to even have their cases considered unless the academic master-race gives some degree of condescending concession by “peer-reviewing” these writings, so destructive to their own beliefs and former writings, in journals controlled by them.

General Dyer would not have dared to order the shooting of the Indians in Jallianwala Bagh if he had not been so confident, on the basis of countless earlier experiences, that he had not only the support of his British rulers, and the ready obedient compliance of the Indian sepoys who held the guns, but also the unflinching approval and support of countless Indian sepoys spread out throughout india who would come out publicly in newspapers and public meetings in full support of his actions.

 

I could go on and on listing the countless peer-reviewed” papers in academic journals which blatantly criticize and contradict other countlesspeer-reviewed” papers in academic journals, without either of any two contradicting papers being considered unfit for consideration (or unfit for publication in these journals) by these scummy sepoys.

I could go on pointing out the countless false and contradictory statements made in countlesspeer-reviewed” papers in academic journals, without any of these papers being considered unfit for consideration (or unfit for publication in these journals) by these scummy sepoys.

Literally countless “peer-reviewed” papers in academic journals identify people or tribes with purely Indo-Aryan (Indo-European) names like PakthasBhalānasPṛthusAlinasŚimyus and Parśus in the dāśarājña battle hymns, or dāsas and dasyus in the Rigveda as a whole, or RāvaṇaSugrīva, and Kumbhakarṇa in the Epics, as “non-Aryans”, without any of these papers being considered unfit for consideration (or unfit for publication in these journals) by these scummy sepoys.

I myself have been the target of countless fake statements in these “peer-reviewed” papers in academic journals (to name just the two which immediately come to mind: the accusation that I “insulted Witzel’s wife” or that I declared Maharashtra to be the Original IE Homeland), without any of these papers being considered unfit for consideration (or unfit for publication in these journals) by these scummy sepoys.


These sepoys are beneath contempt. Then why do I persist in abusing these vile scumballs who are literally beneath the notice of any rational person?

Well: there must have been countless patriotic Indians during the days of British rule who found themselves unable to restrain themselves from publicly condemning and abusing those Indian sepoys among the lay Indian public who took it upon themselves to support General Dyer in public forums. My condemnation and abuse may seem (or even may be) as pointless at this moment as theirs was at that time. But it will also be proved as legitimate and correct, as theirs was, in later and saner times.    

    


Sunday, 16 February 2025

The Statistical Logic Behind the Analysis of the Chronological Gulf Between the Old Rigveda and the New Rigveda

 

The Statistical Logic Behind the Analysis of the Chronological Gulf Between the Old Rigveda and the New Rigveda

 Shrikant G. Talageri

 

I have written and uploaded many articles which are the fruit of my detailed research most of them on the subject of the “Aryan” or AIT-vs.-OIT debate, especially, but not only, in the context of the data in the Rigveda and I am proud of most of them. Also, apart from politically loaded articles (mostly on the subject of Hindutva Ideology or BJP politics), I have also written on fundamentally different subjects like Musical Scales (as well as on Hindi and Marathi songs in Jhap taal and Roopak Taal and on Film Music in general), and on the history of Numbers and Numerals. And of course on my first subject of research and study: the Konkani Language and my own Chitrapur Saraswat community, apart from other stray subjects.

One article in particular I am extremely proud of is my article: “FINAL VERSION OF THE CHRONOLOGICAL GULF BETWEEN THE OLD RIGVEDA AND THE NEW RIGVEDA: [WITH THE THE HYMN-AND-VERSE WISE LIST OF NEW WORDS AND OTHER NEW ELEMENTS IN THE RIGVEDA]”, since this was the culmination of a long, arduous and taxing study, involving plenty of paperwork and frequent and repetitive cross-referencing and correcting (and re-correcting). And also because I had been searching everywhere for a list of this kind since decades, without success: the only very great and inspiring work (but only pertaining mainly to Book 8 of the Rigveda) that I came across was the work of a great American Indologist (not an AIT-sceptic) of the late 19th century, and I felt compelled to pay tribute to him in my above article as follows: “let me, at this point, start out by first paying homage to Edward W. Hopkins (1857-1932), in many ways the great pioneer of analysis of the internal chronology of the Rigveda”. Finally it was left to me to take up and complete the task myself:

https://talageri.blogspot.com/2022/08/final-version-of-chronological-gulf.html

 

My above article is my particular pride because it is full of rich, complete and statistics-based data covering the whole of the Rigveda, and it will be impossible for anyone to disprove it (unless, like the fake new Gospeldiscovered” in Irving Wallace’s book The Word, which is so quickly lapped up by the entire politics-ridden and vested-interest-controlled Christian world that it is declared to be genuine, someone “discovers” a new version of the  Rigveda, different from the present one, which has completely different contents and data and this new text is accepted as being older and more genuine, than the only Rigveda known so far). I must repeat what I have said many times elsewhere: this chronological study of the Rigvedic vocabulary will be of prime importance in the study of Indo-Aryan, Indo-Iranian and Indo-European history.

I would have loved it to see anyone genuinely taking up the challenge, and hence was very happy when a person (whom I have never met, but who was in irregular and friendly email contact with me since a few years) wrote a mail to me expressing strong doubts about the statistical method he felt I had used in my analysis. I will refer in detail to this email dialogue (but I will not name this person, now or after this, unless he himself comes out on his own and for whatever reasons of his own, since it was a purely personal mail, and ended unfortunately in a not-so-friendly manner). I am writing this article to show how the principles of statistical textual analysis are little understood and much misunderstood in general in studying the evidence of the data in the Rigveda:

I. The Statistical Arguments.

II. Can the New Words Be Sifted Out?

 

I. The Statistical Arguments

There were a total of five mails from his side, and I will first only quote his purely statistical arguments (given in his first three of these five mails):

Mail 1. 4-2-2025:  

the usage of a word by itself is dependent more on the context rather than whether it is new or old.  If the themes of the New Rigveda are different from those of the Old Rigveda, you would expect different words to be used.  That would not necessarily make those words themselves 'new,' requiring explanation in terms of linguistic evolution/borrowing”.


Mail 2. 4-2-2025:

Take the Old and New Rigvedas.  Together, the old books contain 3241 verses, and the new books contain 7311 verses.  

There are large enough samples.  But there are more than twice as many verses in the new books as in the old books .  Unequal sample sizes have consequences.  

If we assume that each verse contains, on average, a certain number of words, the chances of a randomly chosen word appearing in the new books but not in the old books is correspondingly greater, simply because of the greater number of verses.   The problem now is to prove that, given any word occurring in the new Rigveda but not in the old Rigveda, it is a genuinely 'new' word, and not a 'false positive' due to a combination of the following 

(a) Larger sample size.

(b) Different context/theme.

(c) Different choice of synonyms to ensure adherence to poetic metre.    

Note that the above three conditions are not mutually exclusive either.  

This is where things can go either way, and distinguishing a true positive from a false positive becomes problematic

 

Mail 3. 4-2-2025:

This is not about the sample sizes per se but about unequal sample sizes being compared.  The samples are large enough, running into 3000+ and 6000+ verses.  But, you simply cannot compare a randomly chosen sample of 3000 men with randomly chosen 6000 women if you want to understand average height associations with sex.  You have to compare 6000 to 6000 or 3000 to 3000 - comparable numbers.  In a sample of 6000, you are more likely to come across some 6ft people as well as some 3ft people - extreme values - as compared to a smaller sample, that could skew the average one way or the other.  In such comparisons, one asks:  'How representative is my sample of the entire population?'  Thus far, about unequal sample size.

In a strict sense, the word samples we have from the old and new books are both biased samples.  Their purpose being primarily liturgical, they don't represent the 'actual' word distribution of the Vedic language any more than Latin hymn books represent the entirety of Latin vocabulary and word frequencies.  And, the practical problem is that there is no Rigvedic era dictionary of liturgical and general terms, unlike the case for classical Sanskrit.

 

It will be seen that his main argument is that “unequal sizes” of the “samplesskew the statistical result:

Take the Old and New Rigvedas.  Together, the old books contain 3241 verses, and the new books contain 7311 verses.

There are large enough samples.  But there are more than twice as many verses in the new books as in the old books .  Unequal sample sizes have consequences.

This is not about the sample sizes per se but about unequal sample sizes being compared.  The samples are large enough, running into 3000+ and 6000+ verses.  But, you simply cannot compare a randomly chosen sample of 3000 men with randomly chosen 6000 women if you want to understand average height associations with sex.  You have to compare 6000 to 6000 or 3000 to 3000 - comparable numbers.  In a sample of 6000, you are more likely to come across some 6ft people as well as some 3ft people - extreme values - as compared to a smaller sample, that could skew the average one way or the other.  In such comparisons, one asks:  'How representative is my sample of the entire population?'  Thus far, about unequal sample size.

 

Here are the main and very basic flaws in his arguments:

1. He describes the Rigvedic data as “randomly chosen samples”, and gives, as an example to be compared, a hypothetical case to show that “you simply cannot compare a randomly chosen sample of 3000 men with randomly chosen 6000 women”.

But the Rigvedic data compared does not consist of “randomly chosen samples: it consists of the total database of:

a) The full 280 Hymns, 2368 verses in the Old Rigveda Books 2,3,4,6,7;

b) The full 62 Hymns, 873 verses in the Redacted Hymns in the Old Books 2,3,4,6,7;

c) The full 686 Hymns, 7311 verses in the New Rigveda Books 1,5,8,9,10.1 verses.

Whereas in the hypothetical case he cites, there are indeed randomly chosen samples of 3000 men (out of millions and millions) and 6000 women (out of millions and millions).

2. He tells us (in his hypothetical case) “In a sample of 6000, you are more likely to come across some 6ft people as well as some 3ft people - extreme values - as compared to a smaller sample, that could skew the average one way or the other.

But how does this apply to the Rigvedic data given by us? Out of 280 hymns in the Old Rigveda, all 280 out of the 280 are lacking in new words, meters and composer names; while out of 62 Redacted Hymns, only 1 out of the 62 is lacking in new words, meters and composer names, and out of 686 hymns in the New Rigveda, only 2 out of the 686 are lacking in new words, meters and composer names.

This could have been compared to his “men and women” case only if more than 5900 out of 6000 men, were of 6 feet or 3 feet, while 0 out of 3000 women were of 6 feet or 3 feet, which, obviously, he is not claiming is the case!

This also applies to his argument that the lack of new words could be because of “different choice of synonyms to ensure adherence to poetic metre” or “different context/theme”: how would poetic meter or theme dictate that these new words should appear (and sometimes in numbers as high as 56 or 71 words in even a single hymn) in 61 out of 62 Redacted Hymns and in 684 out of 686 New Rigveda hymns, but in 0 out of 280 Old Rigveda hymns?

3. Fundamentally, his case is comparing apples and oranges: i.e. “men and women”: our case compares hymns and hymns. We don’t get different figures because we are comparing two different objects, we get different figures when we are comparing the same objects: hymns. But yes, they are different objects only in the sense that they are hymns in the Old Rigveda and hymns in the Redacted-Hymns/New-Rigveda respectively. But then that is what my article was all about (and that is in fact what he is arguing against): that words in the New Rigveda are a different object from words in the Old Rigveda!

He also, for some reason (perhaps he notices this above flaw in his argument) tries to tell us that the full corpus of the words in the  Rigveda does not represent the full corpus of words in the Rigvedic language of that time as a whole:

The data are obviously fragmentary, and we may never get corroborative proof for all words, as we don't have any dictionary of the Vedic language.  The Rigvedic language lives only in the Rigveda, and its words are only a subset of the words ever used in the Vedic language.

In a strict sense, the word samples we have from the old and new books are both biased samples.  Their purpose being primarily liturgical, they don't represent the 'actual' word distribution of the Vedic language any more than Latin hymn books represent the entirety of Latin vocabulary and word frequencies.  And, the practical problem is that there is no Rigvedic era dictionary of liturgical and general terms, unlike the case for classical Sanskrit.

But then again, here, he fails to realize that, whether the words represent the entire Vedic language or only a liturgicalsubset” of the Vedic language, nevertheless the words in all three groups (Old Rigveda, Redacted Hymns and New Rigveda) still do not represent apples, oranges and bananas, all of them still represent the same object: liturgical hymns.

If the same principle is applied to all ancient texts (including those in the Latin language), all chrono-linguistic studies of the ancient vocabulary of any language will have to be declared extremely flawed (if not null and void) on the ground that the available texts may not represent the entire corpus of words in the language concerned.

In this particular case of the Rigveda, it may be noted, the comparison is not only between the vocabulary of two distinct parts of the text (Old Rigveda and New Rigveda) – distinct as per the testimony of a long line of Indologists from Oldenberg through Witzel to Proferes – when entire text nevertheless has wrongly been treated as a single monolithic text for the purpose of chrono-linguistic analysis till date; but also with the vocabulary of the available texts of the Avesta and the Mitanni inscriptions. Did the composers or writers of all these different sources enter into a common conspiracy to stonewall the same items of extant vocabulary, or to use the same items of vocabulary, in their writings?

So it is clear that the identification of the words so profusely present in the New Rigveda, but so totally absent in the Old Rigveda, as New Words cannot be dismissed, nor their value as chronological evidence be under-valued, in this cavalier manner.

  

II. Can the New Words Be Sifted Out?

In the second mail, he also wrote:

The problem now is to prove that, given any word occurring in the new Rigveda but not in the old Rigveda, it is a genuinely 'new' word, and not a 'false positive' due to a combination of the following 

(a) Larger sample size.

(b) Different context/theme.

(c) Different choice of synonyms to ensure adherence to poetic metre.    

Note that the above three conditions are not mutually exclusive either.  

This is where things can go either way, and distinguishing a true positive from a false positive becomes problematic, unless you have other lines of corroborating evidence, as in (1) & (2) above.

In the third mail, he wrote:

The data are obviously fragmentary, and we may never get corroborative proof for all words, as we don't have any dictionary of the Vedic language.  The Rigvedic language lives only in the Rigveda, and its words are only a subset of the words ever used in the Vedic language.  Given the nature of the problem, it is not about whether a given word is or is not a new word.  The words you identified can be grouped into candidates about which certainty about 'newness' varies from the most reliable to the least reliable.

I have seen the data you presented, and I was wondering how certain one could be about the reliability of individual data points based on first principles. No one is saying that all the entries in your list are all wrong or all right.  That is an extreme position I never took - that would be just like saying that the Puranas are either all history or all myth.

Given these unknowns (and unknowables), all I am saying is that some of your identifications are bound to be true positives beyond any reasonable doubt, others very reliable, some others less so in various grades ending in some that are false positives.  False discoveries are statistically inevitable in such cases, and it helps not to take an 'all or none' position on the entire dataset you have undoubtedly assembled after much painstaking study.  Rather, it is a resource for further detailed study of its individual data points in terms of their reliability (some already proven beyond doubt).

 

In short, what he suggests is that all the words in my list of new words may not be new with the same degree of certainty: that there could be many different degrees of certainty for the words actually being new, ranging from what he calls “true positives” to “false positives”. Therefore, he suggests that I must examine the “individual data points” (i.e. each word individually), and that the new words in my list “can be grouped into candidates about which certainty about 'newness' varies from the most reliable to the least reliable” rather than “take an 'all or none' position on the entire dataset you [i.e. I] have undoubtedly assembled after much painstaking study”, to check whether it is really new or only seems to be so because of its presence only in the New Rigveda.

I think this is simply splitting straws, refusing to accept the data available, and setting impossible tasks based on hypothetical assumptions (seeing that he also accepts or admits that “we may never get corroborative proof for all words, as we don't have any dictionary of the Vedic language.  The Rigvedic language lives only in the Rigveda” and that “the practical problem is that there is no Rigvedic era dictionary of liturgical and general terms, unlike the case for classical Sanskrit.”).

 

To begin with, the division of the Rigveda into three groups of hymns (Old Rigveda, Redacted Hymns and New Rigveda) is practically set out by a long line of Indologists from Oldenberg through Witzel to Proferes (see my main article above on the “chronological gulf”). And all the new words listed by me are words which only appear in the Redacted Hymns and the New Rigveda but are completely missing in the Old Rigveda.

I have done my work in meticulous detail. If anyone feels the need to check out each word in the list, invent completely new criteria to determine its “degree” of “certainty” for “newness”, and then sift out words from the list as not being new, it is a senseless task which I at least see absolutely no need to undertake myself, but I welcome sincere efforts by anyone else who wants to undertake that task!

It must be kept in mind that even if anyone undertakes this task, and invents arbitrary and whimsical criteria to sift out words from the list as not being new, all they will manage to achieve “after much painstaking study” is to slightly reduce the number of new words in the list to their own satisfaction. But the end result will be the same: all these words, with some reductions in numbers, will still be only in the Redacted Hymns and New Rigveda but not in the Old Rigveda.

Therefore, I will only conclude with my original remark that this chronological study of the Rigvedic vocabulary will be of prime importance in the study of Indo-Aryan, Indo-Iranian and Indo-European history.   


Friday, 14 February 2025

Shourie, Savarkar, M. Nageswara Rao and Hindutva

 

Shourie, Savarkar, M. Nageswara Rao and Hindutva

Shrikant G. Talageri

 

M. Nageswara Rao, I.P.S., is one of the greatest and most sincere exponents of Hindu rights and issues today, and he has put up a tweet on 13/2/2025 about Arun Shouries’s recent book on Savarkar – a tweet almost equivalent to an article – which was sent to me by a well-wisher (not by himself) because I myself had recently uploaded an article on the subject of this book titled “Arun Shourie – A Contemptible Mercenary” [I have sometimes wondered, after uploading it, whether perhaps my title also turned out sounding a little scurrilous, but then again I feel his unprovoked and vicious attack on a person like Savarkar who suffered so much for the nation is unforgivable, and the last straw was watching his smug and gloating interview on the subject of Savarkar with a known anti-Hindu like Karan Thapar. So I do not really regret the title]

The tweet:

https://x.com/MNageswarRaoIPS/status/1890008365171876111

As always, Nageswara Rao’s views are brilliant, and I urge everyone to read the whole tweet However, I feel his critical remarks on Savarkar’s concept of Hindutva call for some critical comments from me, since a proper definition of the concept of Hindutva is one of my great personal obsessions (e.g. my article on “Hindutva or Hindu Nationalism”), and so I am writing this article, dealing only with this part of his tweet .

His critical remarks:

Savarkar was a prolific writer, an ideologue, a powerful orator, and a firebrand revolutionary leader during freedom struggle. He wrote ‘The Indian War of Independence-1857’ for its 50th anniversary, which the British banned even before it was published.

Savarkar was never my ideal for the simple reason that, contrary to popular and populist perception, he was not a Hindu or Hindutva ideologue. On the contrary, he was an atheist, allegedly non-vegetarian and was not against cow-slaughter. However, I am least bothered about his personal beliefs and dietary preferences as I consider them to be trivial. My objection is more fundamental to his ideas and prescriptions about who is a Hindu.

According to Savarkar: आसिन्धुसिन्धुपर्यंता यस्य भारतभूमिका। पितृभूः पुण्यभूश्चैव वै हिन्दुरिति स्मृतः।। It means that a person is Hindu only if he regards India extending from Indus River to the Indian ocean as his Fatherland and Holyland. The RSS paraphrases it as, “All Indians are Hindus” by ignoring the Savarkar’s Holyland prescription. What they essentially mean is that Hindu identity is same as or similar to the secular citizenship of the territorial nation state of India which they have deified as Bharat Mata. In other words, he denominates Hindu religious identity to a territory, which is absolutely unacceptable. For, any religion or dharma is universal. If it is denominated to a territory, it loses its universality and will no longer be called a religion.

A critical analysis of his “the Essentials of Hindutva” clearly bear the fact that all that Savarkar did was to paraphrase the Westphalian Territorial Nationalism of the Europe to Indian context by drawing some elements from Abrahamic theology and Hindu imagery and idioms. Except for the name ‘Hindutva’ in the title, which he borrowed from Chandranath Basu’s book of 1892, there is nothing Hindu either in his book or in his ideology. All that he talks about was Indian Territorial Nationalism. Savarkar (and later RSS) erroneously synonymising their conception of Bharatiya Bhaugolik Rashtriyata as Hindutva, is my second fundamental objection.

In other words, Savarkar simply borrowed the already popular term ‘Hindutva’ in the Bengal of the late 19th century CE, to name his socio-political ideology which has nothing to do with Hindutva or Hindu religion per se. Consequently, Hindu religion has been and continues to be vilified on industrial scale both nationally and internationally.


Does Hindu religion “continue to be vilified on industrial scale both nationally and internationallyas a consequence of Savarkar’s definition of Hindutva? This is not only completely wrong, but seems to transfer much of the onus of the vilification of Hinduism from the activities of the various constituents of the Breaking India Forces to Savarkar’s ideology which has nothing to do in any way with this vilification. I think this is too obvious for me to explain or elaborate on.

But Rao writes; “contrary to popular and populist perception, he was not a Hindu or Hindutva ideologue. On the contrary, he was an atheist, allegedly non-vegetarian and was not against cow-slaughter. However, I am least bothered about his personal beliefs and dietary preferences as I consider them to be trivial. My objection is more fundamental to his ideas and prescriptions about who is a Hindu.” And concludes that Savarkar’s ideology also has “nothing to do with Hindutva or Hindu religion per se”.

And it is this conclusion of his that my present article is all about.

 

To start with, Savarkar’s ideology certainly has everything material and relevant to do with “Hindutva or Hindu religion per se”. Not with the practices, beliefs and religious aspects, but with something even more necessary and vital: with the defense and protection of this “Hindutva or Hindu religion” from its enemies. Certainly, as Rao seems to concede (unless I am assuming this concession), being an atheist, a non-vegetarian (though I don’t know whether Savarkar was one) or a non-opponent of cow-slaughter is not vital to being defined as a Hindu.

But apart from that were Savarkar’s “ideas and prescriptions about who is a Hindu” so wrong, since this is the central point of Rao’s criticism?

The first point to be noted is that he names two ingredients, in the exact words quoted by Rao: “It means that a person is Hindu only if he regards India extending from Indus River to the Indian ocean as his Fatherland and Holyland”. Actually, the “Holyland” part is the primary one (“India extending from Indus River to the Indian ocean” being a rough or symbolic description, not to be taken literally to the inch, so that a Hindu holy place like Hinglaj can be to the west of the Indus), and it is the most essential ingredient which distinguishes a Hindu in India from a non-Hindu.

It is so fundamental and vital to the definition of “Hindu” that Ambedkar used this same definition to give the official definition of a “Hindu” in the Constitution of India. According to the Constitution of India, laws framed for Hindus apply to the following three categories of people:

(a) to any person who is a Hindu by religion in any of its forms and developments, including a Virashaiva, a Lingayat or a follower of the Brahmo, Prarthana or Arya Samaj,

(b) to any person who is a Buddhist, Jain or Sikh by religion, and

(c) to any other person domiciled in the territories to which this Act extends who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew by religion.

Thus, according to the constitution, every citizen of India, except a Muslim, a Christian, a Parsi or a Jew, is legally a Hindu. This definition, essentially based on the “India as Holyland” principle as enunciated by Savarkar, is why not only a “Hindu by religion in any of its forms and developments, including a Virashaiva, a Lingayat or a follower of the Brahmo, Prarthana or Arya Samaj”, or a Buddhist, a Jain and a Sikh, or the follower of a tribal religion originating in India which has nothing to do with the Vedas or with any Sanskrit text, or an atheist or agnostic (whose atheism or agnosticism is not based on and identified with a foreign ideology) is very definitely, and very correctly, classified as a Hindu in Indian law. The importance of this principle, based indeed, as Rao alleges, on the principle of “Indian Territorial Nationalism” can never be overestimated or overemphasized. And the logic of this definition is unassailable.

 

The point which does require more detailed and more nuanced explanation is the other principle: “India as Fatherland”. Many people will and can raise genuine questions about whether the following categories of people can then be called Hindus:

1. NRI Hindus staying in western countries (or indeed any country completely outside the territorial sphere of India) who, by law and common decency, owe patriotic loyalties to their country of residence and citizenship.

2. Hindus completely outside the territorial sphere of India, like the Hindus of Bali in Indonesia, who certainly owe no patriotic loyalties towards India.  

3. Non-Indians who have accepted some form of Hinduism and/or who openly identify as Hindus. who certainly owe no patriotic loyalties towards India. [my most respected and favorite politician in the world, Tulsi Gabbard, comes in this category].

The logical answer is that though their “Fatherland” is certainly not India, the geographical territory which gave birth to their religion is certainly India: the cultural and religious traditions followed by NRI Hindus, the Ramayana revered by the Balinese Hindus, and the Bhagawadgita revered by Tulsi Gabbard all had their origins in Iindia, in the “territorial area” called India. No proponent of Hindutva will ask that Indian Jews should regard India and not Israel as their Holyland. Every country has the right to expect that people should respect the Fatherland patriotism of the country in which they live, and be sympathetic to the cultural sentiments of the local people, without requiring that they should necessarily regard the country in which they live as the Holyland.

 

If the RSS misunderstood, misapplied or misinterpreted Savarkar’s definition of Hindutva, how does this turn out to be a black mark against Savarkar? Rao himself accepts that “The RSS paraphrases it as, “All Indians are Hindus” by ignoring the Savarkar’s Holyland prescription. What they essentially mean is that Hindu identity is same as or similar to the secular citizenship of the territorial nation state of India which they have deified as Bharat Mata” and then proceeds to indict Savarkar for the folly of the RSS: “he denominates Hindu religious identity to a territory, which is absolutely unacceptable […] all that Savarkar did was to paraphrase the Westphalian Territorial Nationalism of the Europe to Indian context by drawing some elements from Abrahamic theology and Hindu imagery and idioms. Except for the name ‘Hindutva’ in the title, which he borrowed from Chandranath Basu’s book of 1892, there is nothing Hindu either in his book or in his ideology. All that he talks about was Indian Territorial Nationalism.”.

Yes, Savarkar’s definition of “Hindu”, like Ambedkar’s definition, pertained to the Indian territory. And neither of them was in a position or condition to think about and specify how and to what extent and in what way their definition applied to Hindu NRIs or Balinese Hindus or to non-Indian Hindus.

As I pointed out as long ago as 1997 in my article (page 227 in the volume “Time for Stock Taking”, published by Voice of India):

Hinduism is the name for the Indian territorial form of worldwide Sanatanism (call it Paganism in English). The ideology of Hindutva should therefore be a Universal ideology:…[it] should spearhead a worldwide revival, rejuvenation and resurgence of spiritualism, and of all the religions and cultures which existed all over the world before the advent of imperialist ideologies…”.   

Savarkar’s definition is not unacceptable, it is inevitable. It is this indictment of Savarkar’s definition which is unacceptable.